Showing posts with label Capitalism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Capitalism. Show all posts

Lex Anteinternet: Is Distributism Realistic?

Lex Anteinternet: Is Distributism Realistic?:  T

Is Distributism Realistic?

 Three Acres and a Cow, the slogan of Chestertonian distributist, shown as a large G. W. Chesterton in front of a comparatively smaller cow.

My mind has been on economic theory more than usual recently for a variety of reasons.  All of which is surprising, as while I now find economic theory, particularly the large theories, to be extremely interesting, this wasn't always so. When I was younger, I would have found them frightfully dull.  But, having come into them from the outside, rather than the inside, I'm not amazed by how little thought is given to the big theories, and how much really should be.

On my recent thought on the topic and what brings it about, first of all, we presently are witnessing an unusual election season in this country and others.  In our country, we have an admitted Socialist, Bernie Saunders, running for President and actually doing well.  He can't really be taken as a gadfly anymore, as he is genuinely attracting a fair amount of attention, and while unlikely, its not impossible that he might end up being President of the United States, the first time a Socialist of any stripe would have occupied that office, and the first time a person with fairly radical economic ideas would have occupied the office since 1945.  The recent decision by old school centrist Democrat Joe Biden to sit this election, and hence any future election of him, out means that the Democratic race is really down to Hillary Clinton and Bernie Saunders, and in that race, quite a few will favor Saunders for one reason or another.  On the GOP side of the contest, one candidate who keeps hanging in, Donald Trump, is obviously an ardent Corporate Capitalist and all the players on that side are on the Corporate Capitalist free market side of things.  I'm still pretty sure that Trump's day will pass, but he certainly is impacting the race right now, although not for anything that really has to do with his economic ideas.

Moreover, earlier this week the Canadians elected the center-left Liberal Party to Parliament.  In truth, this is less of an economic shift than might be perceived, as the Canadian Liberal Party is really basically the same on economic matters as the British Conservative Party.  The Canadian Conservative Party is a center-right party that does have more of free market, oil based, economic approach to things, but it's not anywhere near as Corporate Capitalist as the American Republican Party is.  The Canadian party that had been in second place, the New Democratic Party, is a Social Democrat party that took a pounding in the election, which has not really been noticed here, so the net result is that the Canadian economic landscape is pretty solidly corporate capitalist Keynesian.  Justin Trudeau intends to run mild deficits, something that would make most Americans gasp, given as we run deficits that are more than mild and no matter what economists' opinions may be on that, we wish we didn't.  The concept of running mild deficits to spur the economy is classic Keynesian, however, and shows the degree of stress that the Canadian economy is currently under.

The same sort of thing, by the way, recently happened in the Australian election where the electorate returned a Liberal, but not Labour, majority, to office.  The British just returned a Conservative government to office.  The Greeks, in stark contrast, recently put a real Socialist party into power.

All a lot of interesting economic stuff.

And then recently a dear friend of mine and I were corresponding regarding the economic views of Pope Francis, which have been much in the news.  My friend maintains that they're Socialistic, which is different, we should note, from classical Socialism of the old school.  I think they're Distributist.  He raises the point regarding Distributism that its a Utopian, and hence unworkable, economic theory.

I wonder, is that correct?

We should look at that.  But, first, I suppose, what's with all the entries here tagged "Distributism" on this blog, and what does that even mean?  There's just two economic theories, right, Capitalism and Socialism.  Well, no there aren't.  And even Capitalism is sort of a big house encompassing a lot of different theories, with the type we now use being Corporate Capitalism. Distributism is actually another one of the Capitalist theories.  I.e., it's also a free market theory, and truth be known, even though some people associate it with the left for some erroneous reason, it's more free market than the Corporate Capitalist theory we actually use.

Apparently the concept is now so buried that not even one of the numerous politicians running for office in the US, or the UK, or Canada all of which would have had a least a passing chance of having had a Distributist candidate, is one.  In interesting contrast, however, one of Australia's oldest serious political parties, the Democratic Liberal Party, is a Distributist party, or rather openly espouses Distributism as its economic platform, although it presently has a single member in parliament.

If a person looks back over earlier entries here you'll find quite a few that describe Distributism in some detail.  Yet, they're all just overviews.  Hence the first part of the problem.  Distributism, unlike Capitalism or Socialism, is much poorer defined in modern times, even though it seems to be regaining a little traction for the first time in nearly sixty years.

What the heck is Distributism anyway?

 The prolific writer G. K. Chesterton, who wrote novels, poetry, and philosophy in stunningly large quantities.  An intellectual giant, he was enormously influential on British writing in his era and was part of the collection of personalities that included C. K. Lewis, J. R. R. Tolkien and Hellaire Belloc.  Together with Belloc he was a major proponent of Distributism.

I'm fairly convinced that part of the problem with Distributism is the name.  At least up until recently, the concept that a politician would act to "distribute" wealth has been a hugely negative on in American political speech.  I suppose with Saunders running, a person could ask if this was still true, but for purposes of our discussion here we should note that Distributism doesn't mean that sort of distributing.  Quite the contrary.

Rather, Distributism is based on the concept of Subsidiarity, which of course doesn't help much to most people as most people don't know what that means.  That too is problematic as the term is really confusing to most people. The term comes out of Catholic social thinking, and it holds that the best and most just means of doing things is to push it down to the lowest practical level.  Ironically, that's a highly American concept and the polar opposite of the large-scale statist approach to things that many conservative Americans fear.  Subsidiarity stands for local control, or control below that level if possible.

In economic terms, or rather through Distributist terms, what this amounts to is an economic system based upon a free economy that favors economic power being concentrated at the family or individual level.  It's a highly capitalist system, and one that is actually more capitalist than the Corporate Capitalism that most westerners believe to be capitalism, which is really Corporate Capitalism.

A Distributist economy, therefore, would discourage, or perhaps even prohibit, the concentration of the means of retail distribution in the hands of corporations in favor of family or individual enterprises.  So, rather than have a Walmart, you'd have a family owned appliance store, a family owned clothing store, a family owned grocery store, etc.  That's a pretty simple illustration the retail end of the economy, but that's a major aspect of Distributism. Distributism also has an agricultural aspect to it that's frankly agrarian, although agrarianism predates Distributism.  What that means is that farms would be owned and operated by the actual farmer.  That sounds simplistic but it stands contrary to much of what we see today, with agricultural land held by absentee owners, or by the wealthy who do not work it, or by agricultural corporations.

Modern Distributist sometimes get wrapped up in romantic notions of local production as well, and that's clearly an aspect of a Distributist economy.  Nonetheless any rational economist, no matter what stripe they may be, will acknowledge that in the modern world large-scale industrial production is the province of corporations.  That may be good or bad, but it's been known and discussed as an aspect of this since the mid 19th Century at least.  Rational Distributist, to include, on this topic, Theodore Roosevelt, have discussed how to handle this in the context of a Distributist economy, but that it would be one is quite clear.

In short, Distributism favors the smallest economic unit possible.  And it does this on a philosophical basis, that being that small freeholders, or small businessmen, or small artisans, should hold the reins of the economy, as that concentrates wealth in their hands, those being middle class hands.  By doing that, that makes much of the middle class more or less economically independent, but not wealthy, stabilizes wealthy in the hands of the largest number of people, and strengthens the ability of the people to decide things locally.  In other words, that sort of economy "distributes" economic wealth and production to the largest number of people, and accordingly "distributes" political power to the largest number of people, on the theory that this is best for the largest number of people.

Interestingly, almost any stripe of Capitalist will actually use most of the same words, as well Socialist, even though there's reasons to question their respective impacts.  Socialism actually concentrates power in the hands of bureaucracy and dissipates wealth.  At least to some extent, Corporate Capitalism in recent years, and perhaps in all years, tends to concentrate wealth in remote corporations and a few who lead them.

What does a Distributist Economy look like?

This all raises the question, of course, of what a Distributist economy would look like. And by that, we mean a real one, rather than the type of Distributist economy that is imagined by people who imagine that they are Distributist as they buy corn at the farmers' market on Saturday afternoons.  Indeed, that always ought to be the question about any economic theory, what does it look like in actual application. And to their credit, while they get various things right or wrong, proponents of other economic theories do in fact do that.  Indeed, both the Socialist and Capitalist proponents have explored their theories at length, and of course we know that they've both been tested in the real world, where Socialism ends up being a major flop, and Capitalism, no matter what a person may think of it one way or another, has demonstrated vast amounts of wealth can be created through it and has raised many poor economies out of the economic dirt.

So let's take a look at what Distributism argues, in the modern, real world, context.

Generally, what Distributist would do is to strip away, as noted, the ability of large entities to own and operate businesses and "distribute" that down to the smallest practical element.  So, where you have big box stores you'd now have lots of small retail stores.  Where you have chain stores you no longer would. Where you have have chain services shops, a relatively new and fast developing economic entity, you would have individually owned shops.  Where you had chain service industries, such as reality brokerages, you would once again have small locally owned ones.  Where you have H & R Block, you'd have your local accountant. 

 

 
 Paint store.  It's not Home Depot.

 Colorado Bakery and Grocery, a local store of the past in Ft. Collins Colorado.  It's now a brew pub.  Local grocery stores have fallen way off, from once dominating the field to now being a boutique exception.  Brew pubs, however, are a Distributist triumph in the true sense.

This raises the natural question of what about production?  All that addresses is retail.  What about service industries, what about production, and what about agriculture.

Service is one of the easier aspect of this to address, actually, as it started remote national concentration late in the game, and its far from complete.  When we look at doctors, lawyer, and accountants, and the like, we still a lot of the old economy around, while we see the encroachment of national corporate consolidation coming in at the same time.  Something about many of these industries, however, is resistant to too much consolidation, even as we see big efforts to cause it to come about.

In a Distributist economy, quite simply, this would stop.  Law Firms, Accountancy Firms, Doctors offices, would be local.   Hospitals and the likes would be as well.

A couple of old building in Rock Spring's historic district, across from the class Union Pacific depot.  The building on the left is the National Bank building, and was built in 1892.  The one on the right has much of its "ghost signs" painted out, so I'm not sure of its identity, but it's number 18 on the historic district tour. From Painted Bricks.

Well, what about banks? They're a service industry.

Banks, under classic Distributist thought, were really taken on as a negative aspect of the economy and frankly this is one of the areas where old school Distributist, prior to World War Two, sounded a lot like Socialist.  If you look back at Distributist commentary of that period you will find a lot of references to preventing banks from charging interest, and things of this ilk.  All that was extremely unrealistic, to say the least, and it also reflects an earlier era which has really passed.  Taking  on banks is a favorite topic for all politicians now days, but the biggest problems we've had with banks are founded on banking consolidation and inadequate regulation.

Banks, as concentrations of economic maladies, usually only develop real problems when they are largely unregulated. When the old school Distributist formed their thoughts on the matter, that was the case. And the recent banking problems the United States has had largely flowed from the concept that regulation of banks was passe, followed by an actual effort on the part of the government to encourage banks in areas that they shouldn't go.  An overarching aspect of all of this is that an old policy of encouraging home ownership via home loans is a remaining nonsensical central American governmental goal that creates problems in and of itself.  Finally, the consolidation of banking into larger and larger remotely owned banks contributes to the problem. There still are locally owned or regionally owned banks, but not nearly as many as there once was.

Realistically, as banks are so heavily regulated, in a modern Distributist economy the goal would be to keep the banks local or at least no more than regional.  That keeps them focused on their locality and the local economy. The Federal government's sponsorship of home loans probably ought to cease, although that is probably a Distributist concept, or maybe even a Socialist one, in and of itself.  Encouraging any one kind of loan is something that should be really carefully thought out before its done.

Or maybe the ship has sailed with banks, like industrial production (which we'll address below), and today Distributist would have to have a mixed approach, encouraging local but tolerating national.  It's hard to see how industry in particular could exist without large banks.

Large banking has given us credit cards, an aspect of the economy wholly unknown to the original Distributist.  Of course ,they were unknown to earlier Capitalist as well, and have just sort of occurred. This too may be an area where the ship has sailed, but on the other hand, it would be one that I'd have a hard time imagining modern Distributist avoiding.  But how that would be handled in the new economy, which only saw the introduction of widespread use of credit cards starting in the 1970s, is an open question.  Credit cards now make up a huge percentage of the "money" in our economy, and they are interesting an huge unregulated sector, to a significant degree.  That is ,the percentage of interest they charge are regulated, but the creation of them is not.  It's been an amazing change in the economy.

Comedian Marty Allen making a joke of having a large number of credit cars, something that was looked down upon in the 1960s when this photograph was taken.  Now, nearly everyone in the American economy has at least one credit card.

It's an interesting topic, but one that I won't be able to address fully, which is one of the problems when discussing a modern Distributist economy (we'll get to problems in a minute). As there's been no real development of the theory in decades, and as it's never been fully implemented anywhere, some of these topics need to be completely re-thought by Distributists.

Among those topics are topics like insurance.  Americans like to complain about insurance, but by and large the insurance industry is amazingly capable and it really can't be done efficiently on a local level.  This is true of all types of insurance, to include most particularly liability insurance, which people don't think about much but which is particularly important to the economy.  Indeed, topics like banking and insurance do indeed suggest that a Distributist economy might be a bad idea.

Farm Resettlement Agency poster from the Great Depression. The FRA was not a success, by and large.

Agriculture, on the other hand, and the ownership of land in general is definitely something Distributist would touch. At least in the case of agriculture, it can in fact be done by individual farm owners without raising many of the other questions that might be raised..  Ownership of land, moreover, may always be local and may always be in the hands of whomever is using the land, for whatever purpose.

Agriculture has always been close to the hearts of Distributist and in regards to it they can really be regarded as the close associates of Agrarians. When we read older Agrarian texts, we're basically reading Distributist ones. That's why modern Distributists can be found quoting Thomas Jefferson, who basically lived in a naturally Distributist world, mixed with Mercantilism, and who never heard the word Distributist.


Agriculture, for that part, has remained somewhat in this category anyhow, although in recent decades this has been heavily impacted by various developments that threaten that.  Absentee land ownership has always been a problem that has been there.

In a Distributist economy the US would adopt policies that actually do exist in other Western nations. France, for example, has had a Distributist set of agriculture policies since World War Two and I believe that Germany has as well. Greece also does.  In Germany's case, the road map for a Distributist agricultural sector has been set out in book form at that, in Wilhelm Von Roepke's "Economics of a Free Society", in which he addresses it.

In short, in a Distributist economy those employed farming would own the farms.  Absentee landlords and remote corporate ownership of land would not be allowed.  Indeed, a purse Distributist might take this even further on land ownership, and not allow it for use outside a person use or business entity in general, but that's straying from main topic.  In agriculture, it's pretty clear that's what Distributist would have to advance. So, no more wealthy people from one state buying a land and claiming to be "ranchers" in another.  And no more lawyers or doctors in town claiming that their small hobby farm is a farm.  Farm, or practice law, but don't do both.

This part of this is, we'd note, truly radical.  More on that in a moment.  But what this would do, is to make individual farms more viable economically, but worth considerably less individually.  It would therefore be easier for people to enter agriculture, but it would be much less lucrative to sell out of it in some ways.  And I suspect in a pure Distributist economy regulation in this area would come in to further advance this set of goals.

Blacksmiths working on the iron rim of a wheel.

That leaves production.

In production, this can also be done, but only to a certain extent in a realistic modern economy.  Indeed, a surprising amount of production of various types is done this way, as nearly every major economic field features local fabrication of some sort, which is local production.  But it's quite clear that in a modern industrial economy, you can't have local production of everything.  Cars, for example, aren't going to be made in a local shop by skilled craftsmen.

How Distributist would handle this aspect of their economic theory is an interesting question, and I don't know the answer.  Some would borrow from Socialist examples, all of which are problematic.  Some might borrow from Theodore Roosevelt's progressive era suggestion and require public ownership of a certain percentage of large corporations, to give a voice in their affairs.  Some might restrict organizing in the corporate forum until a business reached a certain size.  All in all, I don't know how this topic would be approached.  It might be approached in the same way that modern Socialism tends to approach it, which is basically not to except by regulation and taxation, which really takes a person outside of the context of the theory in general and into something else.  What is clear is that in this area the example of Corporate Capitalism would have to largely suffice for Distributist as well.

Union Pacific Depo in Rock Springs Wyoming.  This surviving business from the 19th Century would never have come about except through extensive government support, something that often tends to be forgotten when the stories of large business in the United States are considered.  Indeed, nearly every very large railroad in North American had some government assistance of some sort when it came into existence.

Distribution of goods, on the other hand, is really mixed, but will probably cease to be in the future for environmental reasons.  Right now, distribution of goods in the North American economy is an interesting mixed system, using locally owned and often leased semi tractor combined with large corporate railways.  By and large, the system, if it involves distance, is corporate owned one way or another, and that probably cannot be avoided.  Transcontinental distribution, therefore, may be something like large scale manufacturing and have to be basically left as is, in a Distributist economic model.  Or perhaps it would be handled in one of the several fashions described above as theoretical possibilities for manufacturing.

Okay, I suppose that's all well and good, but so what?  Once again, lots of people note these things and then think they're bold Distributist as they buy free range Cornish Game Hens at the local market.

A person can believe that they can bring an economy about through self actuation, but that's baloney and its really only a comfortable delusion for the really well off. It's the same sort of delusion that comforted wealthy western Communists in the 1920s and 1930s who lived in countries that were never going to be Communist, as there was never any real threat of a real Communist economy to them.  A real economic system, no matter what it is, never comes about without state intervention or support of some kind.

This is most evident, of course, in real classical Socialism, in which the state owns the means of production.  Taking that one step further, as the Communist tried to, the state can end up owning everything.  Those are the most blunt examples, and by the way they're examples of massively unworkable economic failures. That's why there are no real Communist economies outside of North Korea, and that's why most Socialist don't really advocate real Socialism anymore.

But even Capitalism, of the type that we have, requires state intervention to exist. We're just so used to it, we don't notice it.

That's because our Capitalism is Corporate Capitalism.  It's based on the existence of corporations and related business forms. These entities have the status of "persons" at law.  They can sue, be sued, and are taxed, like people as we've seen.

The biggest economic advantage that they convey is the sue and be sued part, as that's where they are distinctly different from their natural fellow, the partnership.  In a conventional partnership, a person can be sued as an individual. That puts their individual assets at risk.  That's not true, however for shareholders in a corporation.  Only the corporate assets are ever at risk.

So, by way of an example, if Walmart does something bad, they don't look to the individual shareholders to make it good. They only look to Walmart.

Additionally, corporations allow for easy remote control.  Generally they're directed by boards rather than by everyone in the entity.  That's less true of normal common partnerships, where everyone gets a say.

All of this is noted as corporations, and related business forms, very obviously have a huge economic advantage over other types of business entities.  They're not natural, but legal fictions, but that legal fiction gives them enormous economic advantage. And that legal fiction is a creature of the state.  Corporations only exist as the statutory law allows people to create them. They would otherwise not exist at all.

Which leads us back to Distributism.  Rather obviously the way to bring about a modern Distributist economy is simply to limit where corporations can be formed, as we've seen. That would largely do it.  And that's a mere modification of the existing law.

If you prohibited, for example, corporations on the retail end, it would wipe out overnight entities like Walmart. There's no question about it. And in its place you'd soon find multiple locally owned stores where once the big box store had been.  And if you provided that land had to be held by the person working it, absentee landlords in agriculture and owning land as an exotic hobby would likewise be over.

There would obviously be limits to how far a person could go in this direction, however, in a modern economy.  Corporations would have to exist for large scale manufacturing.There's no earthly way that products of the type made by General Motors, or Boeing, of Apple, can be made by local entrepreneurs operating without the corporate form.  Therefore any rational system of Distributism, as opposed to a purely theoretical one, would have to accommodate itself to that just as modern Socialism also has.

Should it be tried?

So, it's pretty clear that a country could have a Distributist Economy.  It is realistic.  But that doesn't answer whether Distributism should be tried, which is quite another questions.

In other words, just because you can do something, sure doesn't mean that you should.

In order to answer that question, you have to determine what the goal of Distributism is, and whether that's something we want to effect.  You also have to determine what the negatives of it are, and whether they are worth enduring.  To even look at that, you have to first ask what the point of any economic system is.

It's pretty easy to determine the point, or thesis, of Capitalism, even in the modified Corporate Capitalist system that we have, or that anyone else has.  The general idea is that a free market is the most efficient and natural of economies and that as it is efficient, it leads to the efficient production of goods, and that creates wealth for everyone.  Corporate Capitalism's thesis is that the allowance of a legal fiction, the corporation, allows the combination of capital and management in such a fashion as to facilitate business in a capitalist model, thereby boosting productivity and hence wealth.

Before going on to Distributism, which is actually a species of capitalism, I'll note the same for Socialism. Socialism in its classic form is pretty easy to grasp, thesis wise.  Socialist argue that capitalism creates an unequal distribution of wealth favoring the owners of the means of production over the actual producers, and the solution to this is to have the state be the owner and distribute back to the worker.  As Socialism fails pretty badly in the execution, modern Socialist by and large don't actually advocate that, however, and instead focus on social activism and engineering, thereby taking themselves quite some distance from their economic theorist origins.  Indeed, many Socialist now appear to actually be some sort of capitalist, but of the state intervention variety.  The interesting thing about that is that it takes them in the direction of the "managed economy", which is basically what most western nations had, including the United States, from about 1932 through about 1980, when corporate capitalism reasserted itself.

Socialism was a reaction to early laissez faire capitalism, which was really early Corporate Capitalism.  It's undoubtedly the case that early industrialization lead to a very unequal distribution of wealth, but taking the long view, any early Capitalist economic enterprise does that.  Sure, factory owners of the 19th Century were vastly wealthy and their workers on the edge of poverty, but then the creators of electronic and internet based enterprises have become vastly wealthy in our modern age as well.  This is not to say that things were not unfair on the factory floor, but often missed in that story is that those jobs attracted a steady stream of applicants in any event, indicating that they were better than whatever they were fleeing from, which was probably rural poverty for those who did not own their own land.  At any rate, Socialism was an attempt, and a radical one, to address the ills of Corporate Capitalism of its day.  Ironically, Socialism in its real forms turned out to be worse, and the antidote to that nearly everywhere was Corporate Capitalism to at least some degree, often with a fair amount of state management in the old Communist countries.  

Put another way, where you don't have rich people, you tend to have all poor people.

Corporate Capitalism, however, was itself sort of a reaction to mercantilism.  Capitalism is a natural form of economics, but Corporate Capitalism clearly is not.  It came about in order to attempt to efficiently handle the scale of modern business, with the only prior way to do that being the unwieldy system of mercantilism, which  granted state sponsored monopolies to big business enterprises, such as the East India Company.  Mercantilism at least allowed for big business endeavors, but at the expense of discouraging competition, and hence it was inefficient and more than a little unfair.

Distributism came about as a reaction to both Corporate Capitalism and Socialism, back in the first half of the 20th Century when Socialism in its extreme form, Communism was strong (as was its socialist/autarkic competitor, fascism).   Coming up out of Catholic social thought, as it did, it was focused on the plight of the common man, but with a distinctly different viewpoint of Socialism.  It did not oppose the private ownership of property at all, but rather sought to vest it under the principals of subsidiarity, as previously noted.  This, it was thought, would address the unequal distribution of wealth (hence "Distributism") in a natural way, for the benefit of common people.

It's easy, of course, to find examples of Corporate Capitalism (just go downtown anywhere) and Socialism, but as Distributism is a younger theory in modern terms, and as Distributist shelved their ideas during World War Two in order to work for the common good, it's much harder to find examples of it.  You actually can, but you have to be able to recognize bits and pieces when you see it, and quite frankly it's often the case that the drafters of anyone proposal that went into law didn't conceive of themselves as Distributist, although sometimes they did.

A good example of it is provided by various European farming laws which disallow corporate or absentee ownership of farmland.  France is a good example, which is how the rural sector of France has remained fairly strong. Post war Germany also had a farm sector that was intentionally designed to be Distributist, by a Distributist.  At least one US state, however, also has a variant of such a law, and would probably be pretty surprised to find itself described as Distributist.  Various state and city ordinances restricting big box stores in some localities are also clearly Distributist, although the backers of those laws are no doubt largely ignorant of that.

Okay, so that's what it is, but that still doesn't answer the "so what" question.  Should Distributism be tried, or advanced as an economic theory?

Well, that probably depends upon how you view an economy in general. The Corporate Capitalist model, which has existed since the 17th Century, has certainly had its ups and downs, but over a very long course of time, and when braced by some state management, but not too much, it clearly is highly efficient.  It drives prices down and floods the market with  nearly endless options.  It's brought wealth to the nations that employ it. All of this is good, so the question could be, why tinker with that?

An answer to that might be to note that Distributism really is tinkering with that.  Not wholly replacing it. That's because Distributism is also a form of capitalism, just a more natural one.  Or potentially a more natural one. As Distributism is much poorer formed than Capitalism as a theory, some Distributist flirt with Socialism and high degrees of social activism, while others do not.

If we take the simply notion of Distributism, however, it's merely another type of Capitalism, and an older one, as by implication it would have to rely less on the corporation.  No modern capitalist economy can avoid corporations, but as previously noted they could rely on them less. But why would that matter?

It would matter, if it does, because the net effect would be to push down the economy to a much more local and personal level.  To be blunt, is it better to have really cheap prices, but remote ownership, and lower wages (Corporate Capitalism) vs. higher prices and locally owned self sustaining middle class business (Distributism)?  That's pretty much what it boils down to.  Under a Distributism model, assuming that it would actually work, there'd be fewer very rich people and more middle class business owners. But even being in the middle class would be probably at least somewhat more expensive than it current is, and it'd be more the middle class of fifty years ago, which most people in the middle class were in the middle, or bottom, of the middle class back, with few in the upper areas of it.  Now, quite a few in the middle class are upper middle class, and of course we have more super wealthy than every before.  So, by getting more in the middle, on both ends, we take some out of the bottom and some out of the top.

Some would argue that the depression of economic classes from the upper end down, while taking the bottom and bringing it up, was a good collateral byproduct from a social point of view, although that really takes us out of economics, and Distributist economics, into something else.  Certainly bringing the bottom up undoubtedly has it merits, and is the point of any economic theory really.  Depressing the top down is another matter when it extends into the middle class, and very few in our economy would openly admit that. Even modern Socialist always claim to be acting on behalf of the Middle Class, when formerly they would have condemned as being bourgeois.  The arguments on that would vary, but basically it would be that there's something bad about having too much wealth in an economy, which again really gets beyond economics and into social theory. That's a problematic theory, but it is interesting to note that wealthy societies do tend to become effete. 

Of course, everything would also be much more locally focused, with is an additional point advanced by Distributist as an advantage.

The answer to our question, therefore, I suppose, might depend on how you view your role in the economy, but there are some serious things to consider here.  Corporate Capitalism has brought vast wealth to the world, and we no doubt live in the wealthiest period of time the world has ever seen.  Indeed, by world standards, the United States has virtually nobody who would qualify as truly poor, although by our standards we clearly do and that is not to be made light of.  Anyhow, why would anyone want to mess with that?

Well, one reason may be in that in the long history of Corporate Capitalism it seemingly goes through stages over time where it truly does concentrate vast wealth into the hands of very few, with bad results for almost everyone else.  The mid 19th Century history of Corporate Capitalism heavily featured that, which as we know gave rise to Communism and hardcore radical Socialism.  In the US, it gave rise to Progressiveness, a movement that flirted with Socialist ideas (and which flirted with some Distributist ones).  The ills of the mid 19th Century ended up being addressed, one way or another, and in most localities that ended up with labor coming out pretty well. But in our new highly global economy that does seem to be not so much the case anymore, at least if the arguments of individuals like Thomas Piketty are to be believed.  Indeed, individuals like Piketty argue that the economy is yielding to a new type of oligarchy, at the expense of everyone except the oligarchs.

Added to that, a prior feature of Corporate Capitalism was to alter the nature of a locality fairly heavily, and sometimes an entire society, but often not so much.  Now, however, Corporate Capitalism in its current form, in the US, seems to be driving everyone to the cities in a fashion not seen since the early British Industrial Revolution.  There's no good evidence that this really suits everyone, it merely suits the economy itself.  So, it has to be seriously asked if the economy is serving the people, or are the people serving the economy.  Looking at contemporary choices that people have, or don't have, it seems more and more that people are serving the economy.  Put another way, is a life of cubicles and clerking really all that nifty?

As part of that, the high state of development of Corporate Capitalism like we know have has very much worked to divest people from business. That is, localism has really suffered as a result of it.  People have little connection to the stores that provide much of their goods, and for that matter the people providing them have little connection with the people they're providing them to.  In some agricultural sectors the people owning land have next to no connection with the states where they own them.  Indeed, one of hte more amusing, and at the same time sad, aspects of modern Western ranching is that sooner or later everyone doing it is going to run across a photo in some journal of a smiling wealthy man whom the journalist writes up as a "rancher", when what he really is a hobbyist with clothing that makes him look a bit absurd to locals. But that same individual keeps those locals from actually being ranchers, as they cannot compete with him economically. All of that hurts the local, and over time people become divorced form their own localities, with negative results.

For these reasons, I suspect, we're starting to see some really serious flirting with Socialism for the first time in about thirty years, which is interesting, and scary to anyone who has any passing familiarity with the history of Socialism in actual practice.  By and large, people are doing well economically but there is something they don't like about what their seeing, maybe.  Bernie Saunders now stands a real chance of being the nominee of the Democratic Party even though he's an avowed Socialist, the first time that a Socialist has advanced in Democratic politics since the late 1940s.  While none of this may have anything to do with economic thought, as earlier noted Australia and Canada have taken slight left turns in recent parliamentary elections, and Greece took a huge left turn.  Of course, some nations, like Denmark and Hungary, have taken sharp right turns.  We can assume that all of these voters don't know what they are doing, but that's not a safe assumption.  Some state of general discontent on something seems to be lurking out there, with some pretty radical solutions in the mix here and there.

And for that reason, it's to be lamented that there aren't any Distributist candidates in any party, anywhere.  Distributism is a subtle economic theory, but it's clearly more of a realistic one than Socialism is, and yet it seems to address many of the aspects of discontent that drive people into leftist economic theories.  As with our national politics, in which everyone has to be a Republican or a Democrat, no matter what they actually think, in our economy it seems you have to be a (Corporate) Capitalist or a Social Democrat, which makes very little sense.  There's no reason to believe that these two camps are the only natural ones, and taking a look at some Distributist ideas seems to be well overdue.  It's clear that no purely Distributist economy is going to come about in our day and age, but that doesn't mean that some of the ideas do not indeed have merit.  Some should be looked at.  Indeed, that's where the disappointment in a lack of such ideas being floated, except by some theorist and seemingly the Pope, is a shame.  It isn't as if any modern country is going to wholesale adopt Distributism.  But maybe some Distributist ideas are worth seriously considering, and right now they aren't getting any air.  It would be nice if they could, particularly when we see the failed theory of Socialism getting some, amazingly.

But they won't be.  Our political system, which is right/left, conservative/liberal, just doesn't allow for a "third way".  That is to be lamented.

Lex Anteinternet: Subsidiarity Economics. The times more or less locally, Part XVI. And then the day arrived.

Lex Anteinternet: Subsidiarity Economics. The times more or less loc...:

Subsidiarity Economics. The times more or less locally, Part XVI. And then the day arrived.

Our lifestyle, our wildlife, our land and our water remain critical to our definition of Wyoming and to our economic future.

Dave Freudenthal, former Governor of Wyoming/

 

December 3, 2023


Oil field, Grass Creek, Wyo, April 9, 1916

Snippets of news articles from this morning:
DUBAI, United Arab Emirates — Fifty oil companies representing nearly half of global production pledged to reach near-zero methane emissions and end routine flaring in their operations by 2030, the president of this year’s United Nations climate talks said Saturday, a move environmental groups called a “smokescreen.”

 Smokescreen it doesn't seem to be. That's a major commitment.  But not as big as this one:

DUBAI, United Arab Emirates -- The United States committed Saturday to the idea of phasing out coal power plants, joining 56 other nations in kicking the coal habit that's a huge factor in global warming.

U.S. Special Envoy John Kerry announced that America was joining the Powering Past Coal Alliance, which means the Biden Administration commits to building no new coal plants and phasing out existing plants. No date was given for when the existing plants would have to go, but other Biden regulatory actions and international commitments already in the works had meant no coal by 2035.

None of this should be a surprise.  This is where we've been heading for some time, and it's inevitable.  Indeed, I touched on this back in 2017 here:

Coal: Understanding the time line of an industry

And I cautiously dipped my toe in the water, wondering if Wyoming should ponder a fossil fuel free future here:

Lex Anteinternet: Issues In the Wyoming Election. A Series. Issue No. 1 (a). The Economy again. . . the extractive industries


And here:


Well, now it's coming.

Not that we'll accept it. We'll do anything but.  Our senior Senator in Washington will claim its part of Joe Biden's "radical green agenda", a radical agenda now sought after by the majority of people in the United States, and in the World.  He doesn't believe that, but it sells back home.  With a Republican Party in the state that was ready to boil Governor Gordon in WD40 for daring to say that Wyoming needed to look at a carbon-neutral future, he doesn't dare say anything else as it would imperil his position.  Our junior Senator will likely say nothing at all.

Well, the voices are getting too loud to ignore, and they include people in the oil industry and now even entire nations that depend on petroleum.  From the President, to the Pope, to the Governor of the state, the message is getting pretty clear.  We're going to have to figure out a post fossil fuel economy here.

Quickly.

But, we'll choose not to.  We'll pretend that somehow we can force others to consume the product that we wish to produce, as we've produced it for over a century and a half, and it's our economy.

That, however, isn't the way economies work.
Dear future generations: Please accept our apologies. We were rolling drunk on petroleum.
Kurt Vonnegut


On another topic, the current owners of Remington are closing the doors this week to its Ilion, New York factor.  The company had been headquartered there since 1816.

It'd gone through hard times in the past.  It nearly went bankrupt after World War One when the United States Government cancelled contracts for M1917 Enfield rifles overnight, leaving them with a large stock of unfinished and partially finished rifles.  The Wilson Administration proved to be quite bad at demobilizing.  

Remington, while profitable, had the very bad fortune to be bought by the aptly named Cerebus which focused on AR15 production and drove the company under. Our prior thread on it is here:


Cerebus is virtually a symbol of all that is wrong with corporate capitalism.  Named for the three-headed dog that mythologically guards the gates of Hades to contain the dead therein, it might well be recalled, at least since Dante included it, that the creature is in Hell and of it.

Remington's history was mostly associated, over its long existence, with hunting rifles.  That's what the company was founded on in 1816.  It did manufacture military arms on occasion, however.  For example, it was a large scale supplier of contract rifles for the Union during the Civil War.  It's widely admired by riflemen rolling block rifle had a military variant that was purchased by some states in preference to the Trapdoor Springfield series of rifles, and it was in fact better than the Trapdoor.  The rolling block was widely sold overseas as a military rifle.

By and large, however, it never invested heavily in military sales until the Great War, when the British first contracted with it to produce the rifle that had been intended to replace the SMLE, but adapted to .303 British.  The P14 was a major British rifle of the war, but its production ceased in 1917 when the US entered the war, and the same rifle was adopted to the .30-06 and used by the U.S. as the M1917 Enfield.  Remington's production capacity was so vast that somewhat over half of all U.S. troops in World War One carried that rifle, rather than the M1903, and it continued to be used into World War Two.  But the experienced badly burned Remington and nearly left it bankrupt. After that it was extremely reluctant to make military arms, and it only reluctantly took to producing, ironically, M1903s during the Second World War when the government again needed help.  No original Remington arms were invented for the war as Remington didn't try to undertake that as a project, although it did make a continual series of changes in the M1903 which resulted in the M1903A3, nearly a new rifle in some ways.

After the war and into the Cold War, Remington didn't bother with military arms.  It wasn't a contractor to the M14 like H&R was.  It didn't try to enter a rifle into light rifle contests, like Colt did with the AR15 and Winchester did with its M1 Carbine derived competitor.  That all changed when Cerebus bought the company in 2007.

Cerebus also bought the AR15 manufacturer Bushmaster, which was highly regarded in that field.  By 2012 Remington was making M4 Carbines for the Army.  It leaped wholesale into the "America's Rifle" baloney with a hunting variant of the AR15.  It reentered the pistol market, which it had not been in since a brief foray after the Civil War, with a version of the M1911 pistol.  Cerebus didn't seem to understand what it was that Remington actually made.

Indeed, it was telling that a brilliant move by Remington to introduce a fairly cheap 98 Mauser hunting rifle, the 798, came in 2006, the year before Cerebus bought the company, and it quit offering it in 2008, the year after.

In name, it still exists, but now it's headquartered in Madison, NC.  It was the oldest manufacturer in the United States at the time of its bankruptcy, and it died a victim of American capitalism.

Last Prior Edition:

Subsidiarity Economics. The times more or less locally, Part XV. The 2% solution?

Lex Anteinternet: Wars and Rumors of War, 2023, Part VIII. Sugary things.

Lex Anteinternet: Wars and Rumors of War, 2023, Part VIII. The high..

Truly, this is absurd:

September 6, 2023

Russo Ukrainian War

Ukraine has designates PepsiCo and the Mars candy company as :international war sponsors" due to their continued operations, and continued tax payments in and to Russia since the start of the Russo Ukrainian War.

PepiCo has operated in Russia, if you consider the USSR its predecessor, since 1974, as opposed to Coca-Cola which did not until 1985.  It has nineteen plants in the company and employs 20,000 people directly, and 40,000 agricultural employees indirectly.  It's Russia' fourth largest food and beverage company.  Since the war started, it's net profits have increased by 333%.

Mars profits have increased 59% since the start of the war.

To give an illustration of the absurd nature of consolidation and market domination in corporate capitalism, PepsiCo trademarks (brands) include the following (list courtesy of Wikipedia):

  • Agousha (Russia)
  • Alvalle (Spain)[3]
  • AMP Energy
  • Aquafina
  • Aquafina Flavorsplash
  • Aunt Jemima/Pearl Milling Company
  • Baconzitos (Brazil)
  • Cap'n Crunch
  • Cheetos
  • Chester's
  • Chipsy (Egypt, Serbia)
  • Chudo
  • Cracker Jack
  • Crunchy
  • Diet Mountain Dew
  • Diet Mug
  • Diet Pepsi
  • Diet 7UP (only outside of the United States)
  • Diet Sierra Mist
  • Domik v Derevne (Russia)
  • Doritos
  • Duyvis (Netherlands)
  • Elma Chips (Brazil)
  • Emperador (Mexico)
  • Evervess (Russia)
  • Fandangos (Brazil)
  • Frito-Lay
  • Fritos
  • Fruktoviy Sad (Russia)
  • Frustyle (Russia)
  • G2
  • Gatorade
  • Gatorade Zero
  • Grandma's
  • Imunele (Russia)
  • Izze
  • Ivi (Albania, Greece, Cyprus, Serbia)
  • Kas
  • KhrusTeam (Russia)
  • Kurkure (Bangladesh, India, Pakistan)
  • Lay's
  • Life
  • Lifewater
  • Lubimy (Russia)
  • Manzanita Sol
  • Marias Gamesa
  • Matutano (Spain, Portugal)
  • Marbo (Serbia)
  • Mirinda
  • Miss Vickie's
  • Mountain Dew
  • Mountain Dew Code Red
  • Mountain Dew Game Fuel
  • Mountain Dew Kickstart
  • Mug
  • Munchies
  • Naked (naked?)
  • Near East
  • O.N.E.
  • Paso de los Toros (Uruguay)
  • Pasta Roni
  • Pepsi
  • Pepsi Max
  • Pepsi Next
  • Pepsi Zero Sugar
  • Pioneer Foods
  • Propel
  • Quaker
  • Quaker Chewy
  • Rice-A-Roni
  • Rold Gold
  • Rosquinhas Mabel (Brazil)
  • Ruffles
  • Russkiy Dar (Russia)
  • Sabritas
  • Sakata (Australia)
  • Saladitas
  • Sandora (Ukraine)
  • Santitas
  • 7UP (only outside of the United States)
  • 7UP Free (only outside of the United States)
  • Sierra Mist
  • Simba (Southern Africa)
  • Smartfood
  • Smith's (Australia)
  • Snack a Jacks
  • SoBe
  • SoBe Lifewater
  • SoBe V Water
  • Sonric’s
  • Stacy’s
  • Star
  • Starry
  • Stiksy (Brazil)
  • Sting
  • SunChips
  • Tonus
  • Tostitos
  • Trop 50
  • Tropicana
  • Tropicana Farmstand
  • Tropicana Pure Premium
  • Tropicana Twister
  • Twisties (Oceania Region)
  • Vesely Molochnik
  • Walkers (United Kingdom)
  • Ya (Russia)
  • Yedigün (Turkey)
Hopefully that list will help reduce their profits.

Mars, which also owns Wrigley, is also gigantic, and its brands are:

  • 3 Musketeers
  • Ben's Original
  • Bounty
  • Celebrations
  • Cirku
  • CocoaVia
  • Combos
  • Dolmio
  • Dove
  • Ebly
  • Ethel M
  • FLAVIA
  • Fling
  • Flyte
  • Forever Yours
  • Galaxy
  • Galaxy Bubbles
  • Galaxy Minstrels
  • A Twix bar
  • M-Azing
  • M&M's
  • Maltesers
  • Marathon
  • Mars
  • Masterfoods
  • Milky Way
  • Munch
  • Promite
  • Revels
  • Seeds of Change
  • Snickers
  • Topic
  • Tracker
  • Treets
  • Twix
  • 5 gum cobalt packaging
  • 5 (gum)
  • Airwaves
  • Alpine
  • Altoids
  • Big Red
  • Bubble Tape
  • Doublemint
  • Eclipse
  • Eclipse Ice
  • Excel
  • Extra
  • Freedent
  • Hubba Bubba
  • Juicy Fruit
  • Life Savers
  • Lockets
  • Orbit
  • Ouch!
  • Rondo
  • Skittles
  • Spearmint
  • Starburst
  • Surpass
  • Tunes
  • Winterfresh
  • Wrigley's
Mars also manufactures products for pets, including:
  • Pedigree dry dog food
  • ADVANCE (Australia and New Zealand only)
  • Aquarium Pharmaceuticals
  • Buckeye Nutrition
  • Cesar
  • Chappi
  • Crave
  • Dreamies/Catisfactions
  • Dine (Australia and New Zealand version of Sheba)
  • Exelcat
  • Eukanuba
  • Exelpet
  • Frolic
  • The Goodlife Recipe
  • Good-o
  • Greenies
  • Iams
  • James Wellbeloved
  • Kit-e-Kat
  • My Dog
  • Natura
  • Natusan
  • Nutro Products
  • Optimum
  • Pedigree
  • Pill Pockets
  • Royal Canin
  • Schmackos
  • Sheba
  • Teasers
  • Techni-Cal
  • Temptations
  • Trill
  • Whiskas
  • Winergy
Obviously, the two companies are hard to avoid, and people can make their own judgements, but even from an economic social justice standpoint, this is absurd.

Lex Anteinternet: Women at work. "Whoever fought, for women to get ...

Lex Anteinternet: Women at work. "Whoever fought, for women to get ...:

Women at work. "Whoever fought, for women to get jobs. . . . why?. . . . why did you do that?" Looking at women (and men) in the workplace, and modern work itself, with a long lens.

Soviet realisim painting depeciting sorting grain. While hopelessly romanticized, the depiction of women in this work is accurate, and would have been fort the pre Soviet era as well.

A tired, discouraged Tik Toker young woman has gone viral with a post, in which she says in tears;

Whoever fought, for women to get jobs. . . . why?. . . .  why did you do that?

I am so tired. . . I want to put my feet up. . 

She says it, struggling back heavy tears.  

A couple of things before we go on to analyze this topic, and people's reaction to her cri de coeur.

First, my initial guess was that this probably would have resulted in a flood of people making fun of the young woman, but in fact, there isn't much of that.  Lots of women actually posted back with complete sympathy.

A few men posted, too, in this one instance, stupidly:

Jacob McCoombe

Who thought ANYONE should have to work? We should all be sitting on the beach eating cheese and wine 😭

6-61453Reply

AtticusMax123

but... there would not be any cheese or wine .. 😱

6-9 64Reply

Jacob McCoombe

I’d classify it as a hobby. If I didn’t have to work, I wouldn’t mind at all making homemade cheese and wine

6-950 Reply AtticusMax123

but that's work. it's where we have gone wrong. all worried about money, instead of worrying about actually enjoying and being passionate about

Ahh. . .that age old belief that farming and agriculture is not work. . . from urbanites.  Farmers, of course, believe hte same thing about people who have office jobs in town.

But I digress.  

Quite a few replies were like this one:

Fr why did they do that🤨 I would have been completely chill running a household cooking, going shopping, cleaning stress free like ugh I hate working

One of the most interesting replies was this one:

🥀𝐸𝓂𝒾𝓁𝓎🥀

we just wanted the option we didn’t want to HAVE to work 😭😭😭

So I'll start my comments here.

Secondly, therefore, the question, answered straight, and then I guess through a technological analysis and economic analysis. . . or I suppose I'll look at all of these simultaneously.

Whoever fought, for women to get jobs. . . . why?. . . .  why did you do that?


Well, proto feminist and early feminist did that.  The reason that they did it, as understood by them at the time, was that they lived in a world that had been heavily impacted by industrialization which had removed men from home based enterprise, for the most sake, and sent them off to "work places" of various types during their working shifts.  This vested economic power in men, and in turn the economic power equated with political power and societal power.  Arguably, it was the power aspect of this that most concerned early feminist and proto feminist, as that imbalance of power worked heavily to the detriment of women in all sorts of ways. 

At the same time, however, technological advances made women's labor in the homes greatly reduced, as we have described here:

Women in the Workplace: It was Maytag that took Rosie the Riveter out of the domestic arena, not World War Two

So, basically, feminism rose up in the 20th Century as part of a long, slow, female emancipation movement that began prior to the Civil War but which really took root in the very late 19th Century and very early 20th Century just as technological changes made it possible for fewer women to be required to be employed in the household, a necessity which had greatly increased, ironically enough, when industrialization mandated men to leave the household.

Put another way, consider this.  Once men worked in factories, or town jobs, there was no way that they were really available to lend any kind of hand with domestic matters.  This was so much the case, that boarding houses were a staple of men's lives if they were single.  Indeed, they were so much a staple that they inspired a long-running cartoon which would now make no sense to most Americans.


Indeed, boarding houses were so common that they were the souse of a folk song noted by Mark Twain, which went:

There is a boarding-house, far far away,

Where they have ham and eggs, 3 times a day.

O, how the boarders yell,

When they hear that dinner bell

They give that landlord –@#$3

Three times a day.

– The American Claimant, Chapter 17*

This brings up another aspect of this, however.

Women have always worked, and some women have worked outside their households for time immemorial.  Indeed, as the thread linked in above discussed this:

You an find varying data, but it's all pretty close, what it tends to show by decade is the following, with the categories being year, numbers (thousands) employed, percentage gainfully employed, and percentage of the workforce over age 16.

1900 5,319 18.8 % 18.3 %

1910 7,445 21.5         19.9
1920 8,637 21.4         20.4
1930 10,752 22.0         22.0
1940 12,845 25.4         24.3
1950 18,389 33.9         29.6
1960 23,240 37.7         33.4
1970 31,543 43.3         38.1
1980 45,487 51.5         42.5

This doesn't really take into account the spike in employment during either World War One or World War Two, which may be significant in that it tends to potentially be overemphasized.  Taken out, what we see is a slow increase from 1900 onward, which coincides with the rise of domestic implements.


If we figure in the years after 1980, it might be even more revealing.


1980 45,487 51.5     42.5

1990 56,829 57.5     45.2
1993 58,795 57.9     45.5
1994 60,239 58.8     46.0
1995 60,944 58.9     46.1
1996 61,857 59.3     46.2
1997 63,036 59.8     46.2
1998 63,714 59.8     46.3
1999 64,855 60.0     46.5
2000 66,303 60.2     46.6
2001 66,848 60.1     46.5
2002 67,363 59.8     46.5
2003 68,272 59.5     47.0
2004 68,421 59.2     46.0
2005 69,288 59.3     46.4
2006 70,000 59.4     46.0
2007 67,792 56.6     46.4
2008 71,767 59.5     44.0
2010 71,904 58.6     53.6 (which is another watershed year in that the majority of the                                                                     workforce became female and stayed that way)
2014 73,039 56.9     57.0

If we do all of that, we find that the number of women gainfully employed doesn't reach 50% at any point (including WWI and WWII) until 1980 and that it peaked for several years at 60% starting in 1999, before dropping down slightly.

That's correct.  Nearly 20% of women worked outside their households as early as 1900.  

Of that remaining 80%, at that time, you have to keep in mind that the farm population was much higher than it is today, its decline as a percentage of the population being one of the sad realities of the barbarity of modern life.  Even this is a bit deceptive, however. PBS's American Experience relates the following:

1870 The 1870 census shows that farmers, for the first time, are in the minority. Of all employed persons, only 47.7 percent are farmers. As farming becomes more mechanized, farmers rely more on bank loans for land and equipment.

1880 U.S. population reaches 50,155,783, with farm population estimated at 22,981,000. Forty-nine percent of all employed persons are farmers, and of those, one in four is a tenant, despite the Homestead Acts. With the development of barbed-wire fencing and windmills, plow farming reaches the Great Plains.

1893 U.S. experiences an economic crisis: 642 banks fail and 16,000 businesses close. As produce prices plummet, tens of thousands of small farms go under.

1900 There are 5.7 million farms in the U.S., with an average size of 138 acres.

1920 The number of farms has grown to 6.5 million and is home to roughly 32 million Americans, or 30 percent of the population. This would soon change. Migration, mostly by young people who left for the cities, escalated over the next ten years.

What this shows us, of course, is that farmers as a percentage of the American public peaked in the late 19th Century, dropping to 30% by 1920.  1919 was the last year of economic parity for American farmers.  Still, for our discussion here, this is significant.  1920 was the year that the 19th Amendment was ratified in the United States, and women got the right to vote throughout the country.  At that time 20% of women were employed outside the household, and approximately 30% of them lived in farm families, and women in farm families most definitely worked.  That would mean, therefore, that about 50% of women were actually working in some fashion in addition to maintaining their households, and that's at a bare minimum.

Indeed, if we consider the fact that family run businesses were much more common in the first half of the 20th Century than they are now, that figure increases even more.  For families that owned small businesses, whether they be stores, or restaurants, etc., the entire household was employed in them in some fashion.  There may have been a division of labor in those households, but it was not as great as might be imagined.

Even for professionals, this was true to some degree.  Doctors, for example, frequently had their offices in their homes up into the first quarter of the 20th Century.  Medicine was more primitive to be sure, and the practice was not as lucrative as it was to become.  Quite frequently, jobs preformed by hired help today, were preformed by a spouse.  A person might expect the receptionist, for example, to be married to the physician.  "He married his nurse" or "he married his secretary" was a common line for doctors and lawyers, and other professionals. The businesses were much less lucrative, and the family connections, and the natural inclination for couples to work together well expressed.

So, in terms of "Whoever fought, for women to get jobs. . . . why?. . . .  why did you do that?", well, women didn't have to fight for "jobs".  Having a job, one way or another, was a condition of life for most women well before women are regarded as having entered the workplace.


So what's up with that perception, then, we might ask as our third topic.

Well, what's up with it is that as farming as the primary occupation of people declined, and men began to have no choice but to work in other capacities, an unnatural economic division of resources occured. A division of labor, quite frankly, is natural.  Men and women really are different, vegan eating emaciated weenies views aside.  But men working daily away from their families are not.  The economic power, therefore, vested in men, and that created an odd unnatural living condition that still prevails in some quarters.  The Rust Belt life of going to work in the factory early, for a good paycheck, getting off work late, hitting the bars with the guys in the Rust Belt Tavern where the workers would get blotto and make wolf whistles at the bar maids, before going home blitzed and demanding dinner from their wives came about.

And while that is clearly an exaggeration, it's not all that unrealistic of a depiction of the height of the American blue collar era.  The point isn't to unfairly condemn it, but rather to note that money, the motivator for crawling out of bed every day and heading to the GM plant, vested primarily in the hands of men and not women. That was a problem.

In addition to that, what we've already noted above occured.  Domestic machinery came about, which made female household labor surplus.

While we haven't addressed it yet, of the 50% of women not employed on the farm or outside the home, the remainder tended to be actually "employed" in the true sense of the word, in the heavy labor of just keeping a household going.  Indeed, the 20% that were employed outside the home tended to be actually employed, as maids and servants, in the houses of those who could afford it.  And employing domestic help was surprisingly common.

Americans of a certain age will have watched The Andy Griffith Show, in which, of course, Aunt Bea is a resident of the widowed Sheriff Taylor's household, and acts as the woman of the house.  In the very first episode of the show, she's introduced when Taylor's prior live in female servant has left to get married.  Sheriffs don't make a vast amount of money, of course, but the audience would not have thought this odd, as it wasn't that unusual.  Other television depictions of the same era have similar depictions.

In my own family, my mother's family in Montreal employed several domestic servants.  Now, in fairness, they were doing very well at the time, but again this wasn't unusual.  With a large number of children, and before our current era in every way, she employed a collection of Québécoise who cooked and cleaned in the house.  They were not servants, in the English manor house manner, but domestic labor.

And this gets us to the next facet of this discussion.  Prior to the 1950s, and even well after that, female labor outside of the household fell into a fairly limited number of occupations, and that is what feminist were struggling against.  Women of lower means, including married women, often found employment as servants and maids.  By the first quarter of the 20th Century, they were finding employment in offices.  Poor women found employment in certain types of factories, often featuring extremely dangerous working conditions.  Women of greater means, but not wealth, had teaching and nursing open to them.

Indeed, it is that last fact that demonstrates what really occured, and what the "fight" was actually about.  Young middle class women finishing school, and more women than men finished school, who wanted to work could choose to teach or nurse.  If they were Catholic, Orthodox, Anglican (Episcopalian) or Lutheran, they might choose to become nuns.  We don't tend to think of Protestant denominations having nuns, but they in fact do, and this opens up another aspect of this.  Nearly all women married at the time, and nearly all women still do.  It's a natural institution.  But not all women wish to marry.  Just as we've discussed with the topic of male homosexuality, religious institutions offered an acceptable way to avoid marriage and still have a career.  That may well mean that not all had deep religious vocations (certainly most did), but that was an honorable path for them.

What was not possible, generally, was to become a physician, lawyer or the like.  Professions were closed to women.  Most occupations outside of those noted were, which was a legacy byproduct of the early stages of the industrial revolution.  Men were forced outside of the home for heavy labor, but some had the option of working outside the home in "desk jobs".  While these jobs were in particularly less subject to gender differences than those involving heavy labor, the concept that they were was absent and women were excluded.

Eliminating that exclusion is what feminist were "fighting for".

That fight, we might tell our youthful distressed TikToker, was one worth fighting for.  In the end, it's not that the fight was to allow her to work, the fight was to allow her to work at something other than scrubbing floors.

But all battles are always subject o the law of unintended consequences.

Feminism, its battle, grasped the economic nature, and the prejudicial nature, of men having every career open to them and women not having it. But they never looked for a second at the history of how that came about.  The assumption always was that men had grabbed these occupations for themselves and retained them by brute force.  In reality, however, the vast majority of male occupations had been forced upon them.  Where this was not true, in and in the original professions (law, the clergy, and medicine), the circumstances of Medieval life and biology, where in fact women had far more power in a generally more equal society than that of the early industrial revolution, caused this to come about.  

Failing to understand this, feminists created the Career Myth, which is that not only did men make a lot more money than most women, which was true, but that a career was the gateway to secular bliss.  Find a career, women were told, and you'd be perpetually happy.  Promotion of the myth was so skillfully done that it became a culturally accepted myth by the 1980s.  Even well into the 1980s, young men were told that they should work to find a "good job" so they could "support a family".  The idea almost universally was that the point of your career was to support a future family.  Almost nobody was expected to get rich, and frankly most professionals did not expect to.  Already by the 1960s the next concept was coming in, however, and by the 1990s the concept of Career Bliss had really set in.

The problem with it is that it's a lie.  Careers can make people miserable, but they rarely make most people happy.  Perhaps the exceptions are where a person's very strong natural inclinations are heavily aligned with a career, and certainly many female doctors who would have been nurses, for example, have benefited from the change, as just one example.

The additional problem is corporate capitalism.

Corporate capitalism became so dominant in American society that by the 1970s it had swamped the original purpose of the economy and converted human beings into consumers.  Often missed in this is that while corporations need people to have enough money to buy products, it needs labor to be as cheap as possible, or even better nonexistent.  In this fashion, capitalism's two driving forces are actually pitted against each other.

Be that as it may, the freeing up of female labor from the household after World War Two was a boon to capitalism.  More workers within the same population meant reduced labor costs. Combined with a new societal imperative pushing women into the workplace, the rise of birth control which inhibited one of the primary reasons they were not, and the creation of a child warehousing industry, capitalism, along with socialism, drug women out of the household who didn't want to be in it, and put them into jobs which had little value in terms of the feminist dream of "fulfillment".

Indeed, the ultimate irony of the entire effort was that at the end of the day, corporate interest most benefitted.  Feminist never supported a movement that would "allow" women to work, but which actually compelled them to be required to, believing somehow that every woman who worked would find a high paying professional job.  In reality, doubling the workforce within the same overall population depressed wages in non-professional categories and ended up forcing all women to work, including in families in which there were children, which ended up being most families.  Feminism, ironically enough, had a mostly male view of the world, and a mostly Hefnerescque few of it, and the general assumption was that women wouldn't have children, and wouldn't even get married, but live a variant of the Playboy Philosophy, albeit without the huge boobs and dumb girl next store, but rather with an anorexic career woman in that role.

So in the new, in the dominant Anglo-American Culture, all women must now work and there's really no other easy economic option.  While plenty of families opt out of this, at least for at time, many cannot.  The big lie of "career fulfillment" has become a cultural norm, and interestingly enough has lead to personal misery on the party of many, who abandon all else for a career that, in the end, is just a job, but one without purpose or meaning.  And more than a few women have been left embittered by being forced into a labor/employment lifestyle that they resent and feel is unnatural.  Indeed, we've noted that here before:

So what does the TikToker do?  

We don't know, but it's apparently physically fatiguing.  A quick look at her TikTok page (and it is quick, as TikTok is weird) suggests that she works in something in which she interacts with customers, so perhaps sales.

So is her cri de cœur misplaced?

Well, at least partially, and probably substantially.  Unless she was born into wealth, and there's no reason to believe that, she was not going to escape all work in the first place.  The nature and the purpose of it would be different, however.  More likely than not, if she was her current age in 1923, she may have worked outside the home a bit, but then would probably find her work, and it is work, would be at home.  If it were 1823, on the other hand, or 1723, her work for her entire life would almost certainly be at home, unless she was born into severe poverty or wealth, neither of which seem to be the case.

So is her complaint about nothing?

Well, like a lot of female cries in this area, and there are a lot of them, the answer to that is no.  

One thing that the feminists crossed into, at some point, although they've started to cross back due to the unintended results of their success, was a war on women as women.  People remain people no matter what.  Truth be known, a lot of people don't want to be career people, they just want to live their lives and for a lot of them, those lives are close in their minds to the historic norm. The authors of Cosmopolitan may have imagined all women living lives of professional independence, sterile, and free of any commitments to anything, but sane human beings don't imagine lives like that.   So most people end up marrying sooner or later. Truth be known, in people's younger years, they spend a lot of time worrying about this topic and hoping to find somebody.

But the world brought about by the Sexual Revolution and the Feminist Revolution doesn't really accommodate that very well.  So women who would have preferred the more traditional roles are punished as society won't allow for it.   Beyond that, the logical conclusion of a sexless society is a gender bending one, and we now see disturbed men trying to cross into female status, as in spite of everything women are allowed societally breaks on the demands that men still remain subject to.

In the end, while things were achieved that needed to be, perhaps in part because of the era during which they were achieved, they were overachieved.  Women were allowed ultimately into every role, including some, such as combat soldier, which history and genetics would naturally preclude.

All in all, what we've never figured out is how to deal with the aftershocks and destruction that followed in the wake of massive societal change in the West following World War Two, and more particularly the Revolution of 1968.  As societies don't really tend to debate what direction they're headed in, at least cleanly, this creates a titanic mess.  But stepping back from one sad girl with sore feet, what we should be seeing is a host of things.  One is that feminism combined with Hefnerism, pharmaceuticals and corporate capitalism to the detriment of everyone.   The late stages of that contribute to the warp and woof of our times as the left pushes to destroy what remains of evolution and biology and the varying elements on the right grasp to restore it, without really understanding what happened.  Society isn't going back to any particular date in the past, and there never was a perfect one, but most likely evolutionary biology and deeply ingrained human nature will recover an awful lot of it, in some new sort of compromise.

Footnotes:

*It seems a little disputed, but the same tune may have been used by, or came from, There Is A Happy Land, which was a religious themed tune.

There is a happy land, far, far away,

Where saints in glory stand, bright, bright as day;

Oh, how they sweetly sing, worthy is our Savior King,

Loud let His praises ring, praise, praise for aye.


Come to that happy land, come, come away;

Why will you doubting stand, why still delay?

Oh, we shall happy be, when from sin and sorrow free,

Lord, we shall live with Thee, blest, blest for aye.


Bright, in that happy land, beams every eye;

Kept by a Father’s hand, love cannot die;

Oh, then to glory run; be a crown and kingdom won;

And, bright, above the sun, we reign for aye.

There is a Boarding House was adopted for the classic soldier's song Old Soldiers Never Die.

There is an old cookhouse, far far away

Where we get pork and beans, three times a day.

Beefsteak we never see, damn-all sugar for our tea

And we are gradually fading away.


Old soldiers never die,

Never die, never die,

Old soldiers never die

They just fade away.


Privates they love their beer, 'most every day.

Corporals, they love their stripes, that's what they say.

Sergeants they love to drill. Guess them bastards always will

So we drill and drill until we fade away.

It's worth noting that the Army, prior to World War Two, and indeed for some time thereafter, shared certain common features with boarding room life in that it was largely all male, and the occupataion took care of room and board.

Prior Related Threads:

Women in the Workplace: It was Maytag that took Rosie the Riveter out of the domestic arena, not World War Two


The Long Slow Rise. Was Lex Anteinternet: Women in the Workplace: It was Maytag that took Rosie the Riveter out of the domestic arena, not World War Two.



For First Time in Modern Era, Living With Parents Edges Out Other Living Arrangements for 18- to 34-Year-Olds. Generations: Part Three of Three




Blog Mirror: A bucket-list tour of Nebraska courthouses yields some elevator insights

A bucket-list tour of Nebraska courthouses yields some elevator insights   Mar 2